Imamoğlu’s Detained Media Advisor, Murat Ongun: "Accusers Are the True Masters of Troll Armies. They project their own tactics onto others."
I had intended to publish this interview days ago, but before diving into the accusations against Ongun and the details of his defense, I felt it was important to highlight this first.
Before Ekrem İmamoğlu, his press advisor Murat Ongun, and around 100 others were taken into custody, an interview by Aytunc Erkin was published on March 17, 2025, in Nefes newspaper. The headline, “If there's a structure in the media, its mastermind is clear,” sets the tone for the piece.
Nefes is a pretty new conventional and digital newspaper founded by former members of the CHP, including individuals close to Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and his inner circle, who split from the pro-CHP outlet Sözcü. Today, Nefes stands aligned with the new leadership of the party.
The Man at the Center of the Debate: My Conversation with İmamoğlu’s Press Advisor, Murat Ongun
Recently, Murat Ongun has been in the spotlight due to allegations aired on a TV channel claiming that CHP congress delegates were given 1,200 mobile phones, supposedly purchased by Medya AŞ, a subsidiary of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB). This is not the first time Medya AŞ has been under scrutiny—previously, its awarded contracts were also a topic of controversy. As the press advisor to İBB Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, Ongun has found himself at the center of these discussions. I spoke with him about Medya AŞ, the ongoing allegations, and his role in the process.
Who is Murat Ongun?
I’m not some mysterious figure—I’ve been in the public eye since the start of my career. My resume is available on İBB's website. But I’m not surprised by the question, because when I see the rumors circulating about me on social media, even I might get scared of myself. Sometimes they make you say, "Wow, look at me!"
To put it simply, I’m just an ordinary person trying to do my job ethically and successfully. My duty is to communicate İBB’s work—especially Mayor İmamoğlu’s efforts—to the people of Istanbul and beyond. This involves both communication and strategic messaging. I won’t be modest here—if I weren’t good at my job, I wouldn’t be the target of so many attacks and false accusations. In Turkey, success never goes unpunished. Just look at Ekrem İmamoğlu.
There are those who, despite having significant resources, have failed to perform as well as we have. Instead of working harder, they resort to lies, conspiracy theories, and smear campaigns. But I’m not bothered by this—some people live their lives that way, and that’s their choice.”
How did you meet Ekrem İmamoğlu?
It was 2014. A mutual friend introduced us. At the time, İmamoğlu had just been elected as mayor of Beylikdüzü.1 He had a clear roadmap and needed an expert in my field. While we clicked intellectually in our first meeting, we couldn’t agree on professional terms. In our second meeting, I finally understood what he meant when he said, ‘If İmamoğlu is there, there is a solution.’ Neither of us compromised on our terms, yet he found a solution that made me happy as an employee. That’s how our journey started, and I’m grateful for it.
What does Medya AŞ do, and what`s the budget of the company?
Medya AŞ is targeted simply because of me. If I were heading a different İBB subsidiary, they would attack that instead.
Why you?
Because I’ve stood by Mayor İmamoğlu through all the attacks against him. I’ve fought back with intelligence and integrity, and I’ve never backed down. That’s why I’ve been made a target. This isn’t new—it has been part of my life for six years now.
People should know that these attacks come as a full package—threats, lies, defamation, you name it. But when you accept this reality and see it as part of the bigger picture, it stops being a problem. That’s how I approach it.
The attacks on Medya AŞ upset me not for myself, but for my colleagues. We have a team of young, dedicated professionals who love their work and support each other. A fantastic general manager, great executive colleagues—they don’t deserve this stress. But look at what happens: a journalist on TGRT News falsely claims that Medya AŞ bought 1,200 mobile phones for CHP congress delegates. When we call out the lie, he responds by saying, ‘I would slap anyone who says I’m lying! I wouldn’t say it if I didn’t have proof.’
Well, instead of threatening me, why not just show the invoice? That would settle everything. But of course, you can’t produce an invoice that doesn’t exist. So-called journalist folks on the same broadcast don’t even say, “Show the document so that Murat Ongun can be ashamed.” They also know it’s a lie, but the issue is different. And when I call them ‘apparatuses’ of a smear campaign, they act outraged. So here’s my challenge: I’m calling out everyone on that show. If you have the invoice, publish it. If you do, I’ll immediately resign from all my positions and publicly apologize. That’s how honorable people should act. The same goes for them—if they can’t produce the evidence, they should apologize too. Let’s see who stands by their word.”
Does Murat Ongun run a troll army on social media for Ekrem İmamoğlu? Is there an organized media network under your influence?
My only organization is the CHP—I’ve been a party member for ten years. On March 23rd, I’ll be casting my vote like any other member. If we’re talking about the media, come on—how many opposition-leaning outlets are there anyway for us to have some kind of influence? If there’s a power structure in the media, it’s pretty clear who’s calling the shots.
During the 2019 elections, Ekrem İmamoğlu appeared on many channels, including TRT Haber, CNN Türk, and NTV. But in the 2024 elections, TRT didn’t just stop airing live broadcasts—they didn’t even show our ads, even when we paid for them. CNN Türk and NTV also refused to give İmamoğlu airtime, despite the fact that we demand it. And while our opponent appeared on those channels, İmamoğlu wasn’t given the same opportunity. These were Turkey’s two oldest news channels doing this. It’s very disappointing. We’ve faced all kinds of injustice, and it’s still happening. But in the end, we’re the ones winning, and that’s how it will continue, you’ll see. This is just the perfect example of the democratic regression we’ve experienced in the media in just 5 years. Despite all this, they keep saying we’re somehow organized in the media, pulling strings here and there. It’s all nonsense from start to finish.
When they say ‘social media,’ they really just mean X (formerly Twitter). According to them, we don’t just have a troll army—we have multiple armies. If that were the case, we’d be like the 300 Spartans—but trust me, even that would be enough to take them on! The ones making these accusations are the true masters of troll armies. They project their own tactics onto others. The reality is, Ekrem İmamoğlu is one of the most popular politicians in Turkey. Naturally, many people support him and post about him. Some who didn’t support him before are now doing so simply because of the blatant injustice against him. That doesn’t make them trolls.
With all the talk about 'İmamoğlu’s troll army,' some opportunistic people made a lot of money on social media. And they’re still making it. There are many names who appear on TV, driven by anger and jealousy. They think highly of themselves, but they have no real support from the public. A friend tells the harsh truth.
There are claims that Medya AŞ awarded contracts to people within your circle. Is this true? Has any media outlet received a contract from Medya AŞ?
Let’s not forget—Medya AŞ is a subsidiary of the İBB. That means it is subject to Sayıştay (Turkey’s Court of Accounts) audits, inspector reviews, and oversight by multiple state institutions, from the Ministry of Trade to the Ministry of Interior. And when I say ‘subject to audits,’ I don’t mean we welcome audits—I mean we are constantly under scrutiny. No other institution in Turkey is monitored as closely as İBB and its subsidiaries. Our financial reports and audit results are spotless. In fact, right after the last election, inspectors from the Ministry of Trade conducted another audit. I’ve heard they submitted their report to the ministry. If only the ministry would release it to the public—then everyone could see exactly how Medya AŞ operates.
Personally, I’ve been investigated multiple times. In 2022, I underwent an extensive review—not just me, but even my family was examined. They checked everything. They even prepared a MASAK (Financial Crimes Investigation Board) report on me. And guess what? Everything came out clean. I was never bothered by it, and I never will be. I’m always ready to answer to any state institution. But I won’t waste my time responding to social media charlatans.
As for contract awards—Medya AŞ has clear, transparent criteria for selecting contractors. I come from a media background. Many former journalists and media professionals have started their own businesses in event planning, production, and filmmaking. Some of them, including people I know, meet the contract requirements and win bids. There are a few familiar faces, sure, but every contract is awarded based on proper procedures. One thing is clear: Medya AŞ has not awarded any contracts to newspapers, TV channels, or other media outlets. None whatsoever.
Are there any journalists on your payroll? This is a hot topic of discussion.
I categorize the people who love spreading this lie into three groups:
1) Failed political communicators
2) People who think, ‘Well, if that’s the case, why aren’t they paying us too?’
3) Jealous losers
I come from a journalism background, trained in mainstream media. Regardless of their political leanings, I can't and won't accept or support such accusations against any journalist. Journalism is a respected and crucial profession. Before this government, the press was seen as the 4th Estate. But now that all power’s been concentrated in one place, they’ve completely forgotten that.
What was the situation at İBB and Medya AŞ before you took over? What did you find when you looked back?
Our predecessors (i.e., the colleagues who worked in these positions at the municipality before İmamoğlu's team) had a different way of doing things. Some things were properly documented, while others were completely off the books.
For example, in 2017, Medya AŞ purchased enough electronic equipment to set up an entire TV station—cameras, control desks, lighting, and more. We’re talking about a significant amount of money here. But somehow, all of this taxpayer-funded equipment ended up being “donated” to a “private foundation university”. And yet, there’s no official record of this transfer. We haven’t forgotten, but at this point, we can’t even take it to court. We can’t even mention the university’s name. But let’s just say—whichever university set up a television studio in 2017, well, it was one of them.
There were other baffling transactions too. For instance, Medya AŞ secured a highly valuable advertising contract from İBB—a 20-year deal. But instead of leveraging this prime asset for the city’s benefit, they turned around and subcontracted it to a private company, adding only a 1.5% profit margin. This was a goldmine of an opportunity. They could have easily added a 30-40% margin. But for whatever reason, they chose not to. For context, under our administration, even less valuable advertising spaces have been leased with profit margins between 30-50%.
There’s so much more I could say. If the state ever asks, we’ll lay everything out, detail by detail. Otherwise, I have no interest in creating unnecessary controversy. But since our company has become a talking point on TV lately, let me say this:
Those discussing these so-called ‘allegations’ should at least acknowledge that “Medya AŞ has denied these claims”. Instead, they spend hours debating every wild accusation while completely ignoring our official statements. Have they truly lost all sense of fairness?
Source: Medyada bir yapı varsa yapının ağababası belli
Beylikdüzü is one of the western districts of Istanbul. İmamoğlu ran as the Republican People's Party (CHP) candidate for Mayor of Beylikdüzü in the 2014 Turkish local elections and won his first election with 50.82% of the votes.